سياسة الصين الواحدة One-China policy تشير إلى السياسة أووجهة النظر حتى هناك دولة واحدة فقط اسمها "الصين"، بالرغم من تواجد حكومتين تزعم جميع منهما أنها "الصين". وكسياسة، فإن ذلك يعني حتى البلدان الساعية لإقامة علاقات دبلوماسية مع جمهورية الصين الشعبية (بر الصين الرئيسي) يجب حتى تبتر علاقاتها الرسمية مع جمهورية الصين (تايوان) والعكس سليم.

سياسة الصين الواحدة تختلف أيضاً عن "مبدأ الصين الواحدة"، الذي هومبدأ يصر على حتى كلاً من تايوان وبر الصين الرئيسي هما أجزاء يستحيل تجاهلها من "الصين" الواحدة. وثمة صيغة معدلة من مبدأ "الصين الواحدة" تُعهد بإسم "إجماع 1992" وهي السياسة الحالية لحكومة جمهورية الصين الشعبية، وأحياناً، سياسة حكومة جمهورية الصين، حسب الحزب الموجود في السلطة في تايپـِيْ. وحسب هذا "الإجماع"، فإن كلاً من الحكومتين "يتفقان" على حتى هناك دولة واحدة ذات سيادة تضم كلاً من بر الصين الرئيسي وتايوان، ولكن تختلفان حول أي من الحكومتين هي الحكومة الشرعية لتلك الدولة. وثمة وضع مماثل يوجد في كوريا.

مبدأ الصين الواحدة يقابل معارضة من مؤيدي حركة استقلال تايوان، التي تدفع لتأسيس "جمهورية تايوان" وغرس هوية منفصلة عن الصين تسمى "التايوَنة Taiwanization". تأثير التايوَنة على حكومة جمورية الصين تسبب في عدم استقرار: فبعد حتى طرد الحزب الشيوعي الصيني جمهورية الصين في الحرب الأهلية الصينية من معظم الأراضي الصينية في 1949 وأسس جمهورية الصين الشعبية، فقد واصلت الحكومة الوطنية الصينية لجمهورية الصين، التي مازالت تحتفظ بتايوان، بزعم الشرعية كحكومة جميع الصين. وتحت قيادة الرئيس السابق لي تنگ-هوي، فقد ألحِقت بنود إضافية إلى دستور جمهورية الصين في 1991 حتى أنها تُطبـَّق عملياً فقط في منطقة تايوان قبل التوحيد الوطني. إلا حتى رئيس جمهورية الصين التالي ما يينگ-جيوقد أعاد تقييم المزاعم تجاه بر الصين الرئيسي، مؤخراً فيثمانية أكتوبر 2008.

خلفية

قبل مطلع عقد 1600، كانت تأيوان مأهولة بشكل رئيسي من قِبل السكان الأصليين التايوانيين، إلا حتى الديمغرافيا بدأت في التغير مع وصول الموجات المتلاحقة من هجرات صينيي الهان. وقد خضعت تايوان لسيطرة ژنگ تشنگ‌گونگ (كوشنگا)، الموالي لمينگ، في 1662 بإسم مملكة تونگ‌ننگ، قبل حتى تُدمج من قِبل أسرة تشينگ في 1683.

وقد حُكمت لفترة وجيزة من قِبل الامبراطورية الهولندية (1624–1662) والاسبانية (1626–1642، شمال تايوان فقط). اليابانيون حكموا تايوان لنصف قرن (1895–1945)، بينما فرنسا احتفظت لفترة وجيزة بالسيطرة على شمال تايوان في 1884–85.

وجهات النظر داخل تايوان

Within Taiwan, there is a distinction between the positions of the Kuomintang (KMT) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

The Kuomintang holds the "One China Principle" and maintains its claim that under the ROC Constitution (passed by the Kuomintang government in 1947 in Nanjing) the ROC has sovereignty over most of China (including by their interpretation both mainland China and Taiwan). After the Communist Party of China expelled the ROC in the Chinese Civil War from most of Chinese territory in 1949 and founded the PRC, the ROC's Chinese Nationalist government, which still held Taiwan, continued to claim legitimacy as the government of all of China. Under former President Lee Teng-hui, additional articles were appended to the ROC constitution in 1991 so that it applied effectively only to the Taiwan Area. The Kuomintang proclaims a modified form of the "One China" principle known as the "1992 Consensus". Under this "consensus", both governments "agree" that there is only one single sovereign state encompassing both mainland China and Taiwan, but disagree about which of the two governments is the legitimate government of this state. Former ROC President Ma Ying-jeou had re-asserted claims on mainland China as late as October 8, 2008.

The Democratic Progressive Party does not agree with the "One China principle" as defined by the KMT or Two Chinas. Instead, it has a different interpretation, and believes "China" refers only to People's Republic of China and states that Taiwan and China are two separate countries, therefore there is One Country on Each Side and "one China, one Taiwan". The DPP's position is that the people of Taiwan have the right to self-determination without outside coercion. الرئيسة الحالية تساي إنگ-ون ترفض تأكيد إجماع 1992.

مبدأ الصين الواحدة من ج.ص.ش. يقابل معارضة من مؤيدي حركة استقلال تايوان، التي تدفع إلى تأسيس "جمهورية تايوان" وتغرس هوية منفصلة عن الصين تسميها "تايوَنة Taiwanization".

المواقف القانونية

لا حكومة ج.ص ولا ج.ص.ش. تعترف بالأخرى كحاكم وطني شرعي.

جمهورية الصين الشعبية (PRC)

جمهورية الصين (ROC)

In accordance with this legal position, legislation passed by the اليوان التشريعي is signed by the رئيس جمهورية الصين. Only voters residing in the free area are eligible to vote and be elected in ROC elections. The ROC's constitution still raises claims of sovereignty over بر الصين الرئيسي وهونگ كونگ ومكاو.

تطور السياسة

One interpretation, which was adopted أثناء الحرب الباردة، is that either the PRC or the ROC is the sole rightful government of all China and that the other government is illegitimate. While much of the western bloc maintained relations with the ROC until the 1970s under this policy, much of the eastern bloc maintained relations with the PRC. While the government of the ROC considered itself the remaining holdout of the legitimate government of a country overrun by what it thought of as Communist rebels, the PRC claimed to have succeeded the ROC in the Chinese Civil War. Though the ROC no longer portrays itself as the sole legitimate government of China, the position of the PRC remained unchanged until the early 2000s, when the PRC began to soften its position on this issue to promote Chinese reunification.

الموقف السياسي في جمهورية الصين الشعبية

In practice, official sources and state-owned media never refer to the "ROC government", and seldom to the "government of Taiwan". Instead, the government in Taiwan is referred to as the "Taiwan authorities". The PRC does not accept or stamp Republic of China passports. Instead, a Taiwan resident visiting Mainland China, Hong Kong or Macau must use a Taiwan Compatriot Entry Permit.

الموقف السياسي في جمهورية الصين

The only official statement of the ROC on its interpretation of the One-China Principle dates back to 1 August 1992. At that time, the National Unification Council of the ROC expressed the ROC's interpretation of the principle as:

1. The two sides of the Strait have different opinions as to the meaning of "one China." To Beijing, "one China" means "the People's Republic of China (PRC)," with Taiwan to become a "Special Administrative Region" after unification. Taipei, on the other hand, considers "one China" to mean the Republic of China (ROC), founded in 1912 and with de jure sovereignty over all of China. The modern-day ROC, however, has jurisdiction only over Taiwan, Penghu, Kinmen and Matsu. Taiwan is part of China, and the Chinese mainland is part of China as well.

The ROC does not recognize or stamp PRC passports. Instead, Chinese residents visiting Taiwan and other territory under ROC jurisdiction must use an Exit and Entry Permit issued by the ROC authorities.

العلاقات الدبلوماسية

سياسة الولايات المتحدة

In the case of the United States, the One-China Policy was first stated in the Shanghai Communiqué of 1972: "the United States acknowledges that Chinese on either side of the Taiwan Strait maintain there is but one China and that Taiwan is a part of China. The United States does not challenge that position." The United States has not expressed an explicitly immutable statement regarding whether it believes Taiwan is independent or not. Instead, Washington simply states that they understand the PRC's claims on Taiwan as its own. In fact, many scholars agree that US One-China Policy was not intended to please the PRC government, but as a way for Washington to conduct international relations in the region, which Beijing fails to state.

في أوج الانشقاق الصيني السوڤيتي والنزاع الصيني الڤيتنامي، وفي بداية الإصلاح والانفتاح في ج.ص.ش.، حوّلت الولايات المتحدة استراتيجياً اعترافها الدبلوماسي من جمهورية الصين (الوطنية) إلى جمهورية الصين الشعبية في 1 يناير 1979.

When President Jimmy Carter in 1979 broke off relations with the ROC in order to establish relations with the PRC, Congress responded by passing the Taiwan Relations Act that maintained relations, but stopped short of full recognition of the ROC. In 1982 President Ronald Reagan also saw that the Six Assurances were adopted, the fifth being that the United States would not formally recognize Chinese sovereignty over Taiwan. Still, United States policy has remained ambiguous. In the House International Relations Committee on April 21, 2004, the Assistant Secretary of State for East Asian and Pacific Affairs, James A. Kelly, was asked by Rep. Grace Napolitano (D-CA) whether America's commitment to Taiwan's democracy conflicted with the so-called One-China Policy. He admitted the difficulty of defining the U.S.'s position: "I didn’t really define it, and I’m not sure I very easily could define it." He added, "I can tell you what it is not. It is not the One-China principle that Beijing suggests."

The position of the United States, as clarified in the China/Taiwan: Evolution of the "One China" Policy report of the Congressional Research Service (date: July 9, 2007) is summed up in five points:

1. The United States did not explicitly state the sovereign status of Taiwan in the three US-PRC Joint Communiques of 1972, 1979, and 1982.
2. The United States "acknowledged" the "One China" position of both sides of the Taiwan Strait.
3. US policy has not recognized the PRC's sovereignty over Taiwan;
4. US policy has not recognized Taiwan as a sovereign country; and
5. US policy has considered Taiwan's status as undetermined. U.S. policy has considered Taiwan's status as unsettled.

These positions remained unchanged in a 2013 report of the Congressional Research Service.

وفي 2 ديسمبر 2016 US President-elect Donald Trump and Taiwan President Tsai Ing-wen conducted a short phone call regarding "the close economic, political and security ties between Taiwan and the US". On December 6, a few days after the call, Trump said that the U.S. is not necessarily bound by its 'one China' policy.

فيتسعة فبراير 2017، خلال مكالمة هاتفية طويلة، ناقش الرئيس الأمريكي دونالد ترمپ ورئيس ج.ص.ش. شي جن‌پنگ الكثير من المواضيع ووافق الرئيس ترمپ، بطلب من الرئيس شي، على احترام سياسة "صين واحدة".

الرأي العام الأمريكي حول سياسة الصين الواحدة

U.S. public opinion on the One-China Policy is much more ambiguous than the opinions of the American political elites and policy experts. A Pew Research poll from 2012 found that 84% of policy experts believed it to be very important to for the U.S. to build a strong relationship with China, whereas only 55% of the general public agreed with that statement. This vast difference of agreement between policy experts and the American public is illustrated by Donald Trump's phone call 25 days after his inauguration to the President of Taiwan, breaking a decades-old policy that could be an expression of negative attitudes towards the People's Republic of China.

Furthermore, U.S. populist attitudes towards the People's Republic of China are negative, where China is viewed as an economic adversary rather than a friendly rival. A 2015 Pew Research poll found that 60% of Americans view the loss of jobs to China as very serious, compared to only 21% who view the tensions between China and Taiwan as very serious. Historical trends conducted by Gallup demonstrate an increase in perception among Americans that China is the leading economic power in the world today, with polls in 2000 showing only 10% agreeing with that statement and in 2016, 50% concurring with the statement.

العلاقات عبر المضيق

The acknowledgment of the One China Principle is also a prerequisite by the People's Republic of China government for any cross-strait dialogue be held with groups from Taiwan. The PRC's One-China policy rejects formulas which call for "two Chinas" or "one China, one Taiwan" and has stated that efforts to divide the sovereignty of China could be met with military force.

انظر أيضاً

• إجماع 1992
• توحيد الصين
• العلاقات عبر المضيق
• التايوَنة
• De-Sinicization
• Exclusive mandate
• الوضع القانوني لتايوان
• الوضع السياسي لتايوان
• سياسة جمهورية الصين الشعبية
• سياسة جمهورية الصين

المراجع

وصلات خارجية

• US-PRC Joint Communique, August 17, 1982
• Washington Post's Interview with Taiwan's Leader, March 13, 2006
• America and Taiwan, 1943–2004