نارندرا دامودارداس مودي (Hi-NarendraModi.ogg [ˈnəɾendrə dɑmodəɾˈdɑs ˈmodiː]؛ و. 17 سبتمبر 1950)، هوسياسي هندي ورئيس وزراء الهند الحالي ورقم 14 منذ عام 2014. كان رئيس وزراء گجرات من 2001 حتى 2014، وهوعضوبرلمان عن دائرة ڤارناساي. مودي عضوفي حزب بهارتيا جناتا، والتنظيم الوطني للمتطوعين، تنظيم تطوعي قومي هندوسي. وهوأول رئيس وزراء من خارج المؤتمر الوطني الهندي يفوز بفترتين متتاليتين بأغلبية كاملة، وثاني رئيس وزراء يقضي ولايته الثانية لهم بعد أتال بيهارتي ڤاجپاي.

وُلد مودي لعائلة گجراتية في ڤادناگر، في طفولته كان يساعد والده في بيع الشاي، وفيما بعد أصبح يدير كشكه الخاص. في الثامنة من عمره التحق بالتنظيم الوطني للمتطوعين، ليبدأ ارتباطه الطويل مع هذه المنظمة. هجر مودي مسقط رأسه لينهي دراسته الثانوية ويتزوج جاشودابن تشيمانلال، التي هجرها لاحقاً، ولم يعترف بذلك إلا بعد عقدة عقود. سافر مودي في أراتى الهند لمدة عامين وزار عدد من المراكز الدينية قبل حتى يعود إلى گجرات. عام 1971 أصبح عضواً عاملاً في التنظيم الوطني للمتطوعين. أثناء حالة الطوارئ التي فُرضت في أنحاء البلاد عام 1975، أُجبر مودي على الاختباء. عام 1985 عينته المنظمة لعضوية حزب بهارتيا جناتا، وتقلد عدة مناصب داخل الحزب حتى 2001، ليصبح الأمين العام للحزب.

عام 2001 عُين مودي كبيراً لوزراء گجرات، ويرجع السبب في ذلك للحالة الصحية والصورة العامة الضعيفة لسلفه كشوباي پاتل، في أعقاب زلزال بوج. وسرعان ما أُنتخب مودي عضواً في الجمعية التشريعية. اعتبرت إدارته متواطئة في أحداث شغب گجرات 2002، أوانتقدت بسبب تعاملها مع الأحداث. لم يجد فريق التحقيق الخاص الذي عينته المحكمة العليا أي مرشد لبدء إجراءات الملاحقة القضائية ضد مودي شخصياً. حظيت سياساته كرئيس للوزراء، والتي كانت تعمل على تشجيع النموالاقتصادي، بالثناء. انتقدت إدارته لفشلها في تحسين مؤشرات الصحة، الفقر، والتعليم في البلاد.

قاد مودي حزب بهارتيا جناتا في الانتخابات العامة 2014، التي فاز فيها الحزب بأغلبية في البرلمان الهندي، لوكا سابها، كأول حزب فردي منذ عام 1984. حاولت إدارة مودي حمل الاستثمار الأجنبي المباشر في الاقتصاد الهندي، وقللت من الإنفاق على برامج الرعاية الصحية والرفاع الإجتماعي. حاول مودي تحسين الكفاءة في البيروقراطية؛ وحول السلطة إلى المركزية بإلغاؤه لجنة التخطيط. بدأ حملة صرف صحي كبرى، وأضعف أوألغى قوانين البيئة والعمل. تُوصف سياساته بهندسة إعادة الإنحياز السياسي تجاه السياسات اليمينية، ويظل مودي شخصية مثيرة للجدل محلياً ودولياً بسبب اعتقاداته القومية الهندوسية ودوره أثناء شغب گگجرات 2002، ويشتشهد به كدليل على أجندة الإقصاء الاجتماعي.

النشأة

الحياة السياسية المبكرة

In June 1975, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in India which lasted until 1977. During this period, known as "The Emergency", many of her political opponents were jailed and opposition groups were banned. Modi was appointed general secretary of the "Gujarat Lok Sangharsh Samiti", an RSS committee coordinating opposition to the Emergency in Gujarat. Shortly afterwards, the RSS was banned. Modi was forced to go underground in Gujarat and frequently travelled in disguise to avoid arrest. He became involved in printing pamphlets opposing the government, sending them to Delhi and organising demonstrations. Modi was also involved with creating a network of safe houses for individuals wanted by the government, and in raising funds for political refugees and activists. During this period, Modi wrote a book in Gujarati, Sangharsh Ma Gujarat (In The Struggles of Gujarat), describing events during the Emergency. Among the people he met in this role was trade unionist and socialist activist George Fernandes, as well as several other national political figures. In his travels during the Emergency, Modi was often forced to move in disguise, once dressing as a monk, and once as a Sikh.

Modi became an RSS sambhag pracharak (regional organiser) in 1978, overseeing RSS activities in the areas of Surat and Vadodara, and in 1979 he went to work for the RSS in Delhi, where he was put to work researching and writing the RSS's version of the history of the Emergency. He returned to Gujarat a short while later, and was assigned by the RSS to the BJP in 1985. In 1987 Modi helped organise the BJP's campaign in the Ahmedabad municipal election, which the BJP won comfortably; Modi's planning has been described as the reason for that result by biographers. After L. K. Advani became president of the BJP in 1986, the RSS decided to place its members in important positions within the BJP; Modi's work during the Ahmedabad election led to his selection for this role, and Modi was elected organising secretary of the BJP's Gujarat unit later in 1987.

كبير وزراء گجرات

تولي المنصب

In 2001, Keshubhai Patel's health was failing and the BJP lost a few state assembly seats in by-elections. Allegations of abuse of power, corruption and poor administration were made, and Patel's standing had been damaged by his administration's handling of the earthquake in Bhuj in 2001. The BJP national leadership sought a new candidate for the chief ministership, and Modi, who had expressed misgivings about Patel's administration, was chosen as a replacement. Although BJP leader L. K. Advani did not want to ostracise Patel and was concerned about Modi's lack of experience in government, Modi declined an offer to be Patel's deputy chief minister, telling Advani and Atal Bihari Vajpayee that he was "going to be fully responsible for Gujarat or not at all". On ثلاثة October 2001 he replaced Patel as Chief Minister of Gujarat, with the responsibility of preparing the BJP for the December 2002 elections. Modi was sworn in as Chief Minister onسبعة October 2001, and entered the Gujarat state legislature on 24 February 2002 by winning a by-election to the Rajkot – II constituency, defeating Ashwin Mehta of the INC by 14,728 votes.

شغب گجرات 2002

On 27 February 2002, a train with several hundred passengers burned near Godhra, killing approximately 60 people. The train carried a large number of Hindu pilgrims returning from Ayodhya after a religious ceremony at the site of the demolished Babri Masjid. In making a public statement after the incident, Modi declared it a terrorist attack planned and orchestrated by local Muslims. The next day, the Vishwa Hindu Parishad called for a bandh across the state. Riots began during the bandh, and anti-Muslim violence spread through Gujarat. The government's decision to move the bodies of the train victims from Godhra to Ahmedabad further inflamed the violence. The state government stated later that 790 Muslims and 254 Hindus were killed. Independent sources put the death toll at over 2000. Approximately 150,000 people were driven to refugee camps. Numerous women and children were among the victims; the violence included mass rapes and mutilations of women.

The government of Gujarat itself is generally considered by scholars to have been complicit in the riots, and has otherwise received heavy criticism for its handling of the situation. Several scholars have described the violence as a pogrom, while others have called it an example of state terrorism. Summarising academic views on the subject, Martha Nussbaum said: "There is by now a broad consensus that the Gujarat violence was a form of ethnic cleansing, that in many ways it was premeditated, and that it was carried out with the complicity of the state government and officers of the law." The Modi government imposed a curfew in 26 major cities, issued shoot-at-sight orders and called for the army to patrol the streets, but was unable to prevent the violence from escalating. The president of the state unit of the BJP expressed support for the bandh, despite such actions being illegal at the time. State officials later prevented riot victims from leaving the refugee camps, and the camps were often unable to meet the needs of those living there. Muslim victims of the riots were subject to further discrimination when the state government announced that compensation for Muslim victims would be half of that offered to Hindus, although this decision was later reversed after the issue was taken to court. During the riots, police officers often did not intervene in situations where they were able. In 2012 Maya Kodnani, a minister in Modi's government from 2007 to 2009, was convicted by a lower court for participation in the Naroda Patiya massacre during the 2002 riots. Although Modi's government had announced that it would seek the death penalty for Kodnani on appeal, it reversed its decision in 2013. On 21 April 2018, the Gujarat High Court acquitted Kodnani while noting that there were several shortfalls in the investigation.

Modi's personal involvement in the 2002 events has continued to be debated. During the riots, Modi said that "What is happening is a chain of action and reaction." Later in 2002, Modi said the way in which he had handled the media was his only regret regarding the episode. In March 2008, the Supreme Court reopened several cases related to the 2002 riots, including that of the Gulbarg Society massacre, and established a Special Investigation Team (SIT) to look into the issue. In response to a petition from Zakia Jafri (widow of Ehsan Jafri, who was killed in the Gulbarg Society massacre), in April 2009 the court also asked the SIT to investigate the issue of Modi's complicity in the killings. The SIT questioned Modi in March 2010; in May, it presented to the court a report finding no evidence against him. In July 2011, the court-appointed amicus curiae Raju Ramachandran submitted his final report to the court. Contrary to the SIT's position, he said that Modi could be prosecuted based on the available evidence. The Supreme Court gave the matter to the magistrate's court. The SIT examined Ramachandran's report, and in March 2012 submitted its final report, asking for the case to be closed. Zakia Jaffri filed a protest petition in response. In December 2013 the magistrate's court rejected the protest petition, accepting the SIT's finding that there was no evidence against the chief minister.

انتخابات 2002

الفترة الثانية

المشروعات التنموية

جدل التنمية

السنوات الأخيرة

الانتخابات العامة الهندية

انتخابات 2014

نارندرا مودي يخوض الانتخابات عن دائرتين: دائرة ڤاراناسي في لوك سابهاودائرة ڤادودارا. ترشيحه مدعم من الزعماء الروحيين رامدڤ وموراري باپي، ومن قبل الاقتصاديين جاگديش باگواتي وأرڤيد پاناگريا، الذين أعربوا أنهم، "...معجبون بسياسات مودي الاقتصادية." ومن منتقدي الاقتصادي حائز جائزة نوبل أمارتيا سـِن، الذي نطق أنه لا يريد مودي كرئيس للوزراء لأنه لم يعمل ما يكفي لكي تشغل الأقليات بالأمان، وأن في عهد مودي، كان سجل الصحة والتعليم في الولاية "سيء جداً".

إختار مودي أول عمل أول لقاء تلفزيوني عن الانتخابات القادمة مع هاري شانكار ڤياس على إيه تي ڤي الگجراتية. كان اللقاء بالهندية وجرت ترجمته للغات المحلية حيث كان يذاع على قنوات مجموعة نتورك 18.

استطلاعات الرأي

في ثلاث استطلاعات للرأي قدتها وكالات إخبارية ومجلات في مايو2013، كان نارندرا مودي هوالاختيار الأكثر شعبية لرئيس الوزراء في ابات البرلمانية المقبلة. في استطلاع C-Voter يقترح حتى مودي بكونه مرشح لرئاسة الوزراء، فالتحالف الديمقراطي الوطني يمكنه حتى يفوز بزيادة 5% من الأصوات، لتزيد مقاعد التحالف من 179 إلى 220 مقعد، التي لا تزال أقل من الأغلبية ب52 مقعد.

في سبتمبر 2013، نيلسين وذه إكونوميك تايمز نشرت نتائج استطلاع لرأي 100 من قادة الشركات الهندية - 74 منهم أرادومودي رئيساً للوزراء، مقارنة بسبعة فضلوراهول غاندي. معلقاً على الاستطلاعات، العالم السياسي أشوتوش ڤارشني رئيس وزراء بهاراتيا جناتا ليس من المتحمل حتىقد يكون قادراً على عقد تحالفات مع الأحزاب الأخرى، التي لم تكن قادرة على القيام بذلك.

فوزه في الانتخابات

أعربت النتائج في 16 مايو، قبل 15 يوم من اكتمال الولاية الدستورية للوك سابها الخامس عشر في 31 مايو2014. تم فرز الأصوات في 989 مركز فرز.التحالف الديمقراطي الوطني، بزعامة حزب بهاراتيا جناتا، فاز بأغلبية ساحقة، ليشغل 336 مقعد. بهاراتيا جناتا بمفرده فاز ب282 مقعد، لتكون المرة الأولى بعد فوز راجيڤ غاندي في 1984 حيث فاز الحزب بالمقاعد الكافية ليحكم بدون دعم الأحزاب الأخرى.التحالف التقدمي المتحد، بزعامة المؤتمر الوطني الهندي، فاز ب59 مقعد، 44 منها فاز بها المؤتمر. وبالتالي فيستعد نارندرا مودي، زعيم بهاراتيا جناتا، لتولي منصبه على رأس أكبر حكومة أغلبية منذ 1984. وهي أيضاً ثاني أسوأ هزيمة لحكومة حالية في تاريخ الهند منذ إستقلالها.

انتخابات 2019

رئاسة الوزراء

نطقب:For timeline

الحوكمة ومبادرات أخرى

Modi was sworn in as the Prime Minister of India on 26 May 2014. He became the first Prime Minister born after India's independence from the British Empire. His first year as prime minister saw significant centralisation of power relative to previous administrations. Modi's efforts at centralisation have been linked to an increase in the number of senior administration officials resigning their positions. Initially lacking a majority in the Rajya Sabha, or upper house of Indian Parliament, Modi passed a number of ordinances to enact his policies, leading to further centralisation of power. The government also passed a bill increasing the control that it had over the appointment of judges, and reducing that of the judiciary.

سياسته الاقتصادية

The economic policies of Modi's government focused on privatisation and liberalisation of the economy, based on a neoliberal framework. Modi liberalised India's foreign direct investment policies, allowing more foreign investment in several industries, including in defence and the railways. Other proposed reforms included making it harder for workers to form unions and easier for employers to hire and fire them; some of these proposals were dropped after protests. The reforms drew strong opposition from unions: on 2 September 2015, eleven of the country's largest unions went on strike, including one affiliated with the BJP. The Bharatiya Mazdoor Sangh, a constituent of the Sangh Parivar, stated that the underlying motivation of labour reforms favored corporations over labourers.

The funds dedicated to poverty reduction programmes and social welfare measures were greatly decreased by the Modi administration. The money spent on social programmes declined from 14.6% of GDP during the Congress government to 12.6% during Modi's first year in office. Spending on health and family welfare declined by 15%, and on primary and secondary education by 16%. The budgetary allocation for the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan, or the "education for all" programme, declined by 22%. The government also lowered corporate taxes, abolished the wealth tax, increased sales taxes, and reduced customs duties on gold, and jewelry. In October 2014, the Modi government deregulated diesel prices.

In September 2014, Modi introduced the Make in India initiative to encourage foreign companies to manufacture products in India, with the goal of turning the country into a global manufacturing hub. Supporters of economic liberalisation supported the initiative, while critics argued it would allow foreign corporations to capture a greater share of the Indian market. Modi's administration passed a land-reform bill that allowed it to acquire private agricultural land without conducting a social impact assessment, and without the consent of the farmers who owned it. The bill was passed via an executive order after it faced opposition in parliament, but was eventually allowed to lapse. Modi's government put in place the Goods and Services Tax, the biggest tax reform in the country since independence. It subsumed around 17 different taxes and became effective from 1 July 2017.

In his first cabinet decision, Modi set up a team to investigate black money. Onتسعة November 2016, the government demonetised ₹500 and ₹1000 banknotes, with the stated intention of curbing corruption, black money, the use of counterfeit currency, and terrorism. The move led to severe cash shortages, a steep decline in the Indian stock indices BSE SENSEX and NIFTY 50, and sparked widespread protests throughout the country. Several deaths were linked to the rush to exchange cash. In the subsequent year, the number of income tax returns filed for individuals rose by 25%, and the number of digital transactions increased steeply.

Over the first four years of Modi's premiership, India's GDP grew at an average rate of 7.23%, higher than the rate of 6.39% under the previous government. The level of income inequality increased, while an internal government report said that in 2017, unemployment had increased to its highest level in 45 years. The loss of jobs was attributed to the 2016 demonetization, and to the effects of the Goods and Services Tax.

الصحة والصرف الصحي

In his first year as prime minister, Modi reduced the amount of money spent by the central government on healthcare. The Modi government launched New Health Policy (NHP) in January 2015. The policy did not increase the government's spending on healthcare, instead emphasizing the role of private healthcare organisations. This represented a shift away from the policy of the previous Congress government, which had supported programmes to assist public health goals, including reducing child and maternal mortality rates. The National Health Mission, which included public health programmes targeted at these indices received nearly 20% less funds in 2015 than in the previous year. 15 national health programmes, including those aimed at controlling tobacco use and supporting healthcare for the elderly, were merged with the National Health Mission. In its budget for the second year after it took office, the Modi government reduced healthcare spending by 15%. The healthcare budget for the following year rose by 19%. The budget was viewed positively by private insurance providers. Public health experts criticised its emphasis on the role of private healthcare providers, and suggested that it represented a shift away from public health facilities. The healthcare budget rose by 11.5% in 2018; the change included an allocation of 2000 crore for a government-funded health insurance program, and a decrease in the budget of the National Health Mission. The government introduced stricter packaging laws for tobacco which requires 85% of the packet size to be covered by pictorial warnings. An article in the medical journal Lancet stated that the country "might have taken a few steps back in public health" under Modi. In 2018 Modi launched the Ayushman Bharat Yojana, a government health insurance scheme intended to insure 500 million people. 100,000 people had signed up by October 2018.

Modi emphasised his government's efforts at sanitation as a means of ensuring good health. On 2 October 2014, Modi launched the Swachh Bharat Abhiyan ("Clean India") campaign. The stated goals of the campaign included eliminating open defecation and manual scavenging within five years. As part of the programme, the Indian government began constructing millions of toilets in rural areas and encouraging people to use them. The government also announced plans to build new sewage treatment plants. The administration plans to construct 60 million toilets by 2019. The construction projects have faced allegations of corruption, and have faced severe difficulty in getting people to use the toilets constructed for them. Sanitation cover in the country increased from 38.7% in October 2014 to 84.1% in May 2018; however, usage of the new sanitary facilities lagged behind the government's targets. In 2018, the World Health Organization stated that at least 180,000 diarrhoeal deaths were averted in rural India after the launch of the sanitation effort.

الهندوتڤا

During the 2014 election campaign, the BJP sought to identify itself with political leaders known to have opposed Hindu nationalism, including B. R. Ambedkar, Subhas Chandra Bose, and Ram Manohar Lohia. The campaign also saw the use of rhetoric based on Hindutva by BJP leaders in certain states. Communal tensions were played upon especially in Uttar Pradesh and the states of Northeast India. A proposal for the controversial Uniform Civil Code was a part of the BJP's election manifesto.

The activities of a number of Hindu nationalist organisations increased in scope after Modi's election as Prime Minister, sometimes with the support of the government. These activities included a Hindu religious conversion programme, a campaign against the alleged Islamic practice of "Love Jihad", and attempts to celebrate Nathuram Godse, the assassin of Mahatma Gandhi, by members of the right wing Hindu Mahasabha. Officials in the government, including the Home Minister, defended the conversion programmes. Modi refused to remove a government minister from her position after a popular outcry resulted from her referring to religious minorities as "bastards." Commentators have suggested, however, that the violence was perpetrated by radical Hindu nationalists to undercut the authority of Modi. Between 2015 and 2018, Human Rights Watch estimated that 44 people, most of them Muslim, were killed by vigilantes; the killings were described by commentators as related to attempts by BJP state governments to ban the slaughter of cows.

Links between the BJP and the RSS grew stronger under Modi. The RSS provided organizational support to the BJP's electoral campaigns, while the Modi administration appointed a number of individuals affiliated with the RSS to prominent government positions. In 2014, Yellapragada Sudershan Rao, who had previously been associated with the RSS, chairperson of the Indian Council of Historical Research (ICHR). Historians and former members of the ICHR, including those sympathetic to the BJP, questioned his credentials as a historian, and stated that the appointment was part of an agenda of cultural nationalism.

سياسته الخارجية

Foreign policy played a relatively small role in Modi's election campaign, and did not feature prominently in the BJP's election manifesto. Modi invited all the other leaders of SAARC countries to his swearing in ceremony as prime minister. He was the first Indian prime minister to do so.

Modi's foreign policy, similarly to that of the preceding INC government, focused on improving economic ties, security, and regional relations. Modi continued Manmohan Singh's policy of "multi-alignment." The Modi administration tried to attract foreign investment in the Indian economy from several sources, especially in East Asia, with the use of slogans such as "Make in India" and "Digital India". The government also tried to improve relations with Islamic nations in the Middle East, such as Bahrain, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United Arab Emirates, as well as with Israel.

During the first few months after the election, Modi made trips to a number of different countries to further the goals of his policy, and attended the BRICS, ASEAN, and G20 summits. One of Modi's first visits as prime minister was to Nepal, during which he promised a billion USD in aid. Modi also made several overtures to the United States, including multiple visits to that country. While this was described as an unexpected development, due to the US having previously denied Modi a travel visa over his role during the 2002 Gujarat riots, it was also expected to strengthen diplomatic and trade relations between the two countries.

In 2015, the Indian parliament ratified a land exchange deal with Bangladesh about the India–Bangladesh enclaves, which had been initiated by the government of Manmohan Singh. Modi's administration gave renewed attention to India's "Look East Policy", instituted in 1991. The policy was renamed the "Act East Policy", and involved directing Indian foreign policy towards East Asia and Southeast Asia. The government signed agreements to improve land connectivity with Myanmar, through the state of Manipur. This represented a break with India's historic engagement with Myanmar, which prioritised border security over trade.

سياسة الدفاع

India's nominal military spending increased steadily under Modi. The military budget declined over Modi's tenure both as a fraction of GDP and when adjusted for inflation. A substantial portion of the military budget was devoted to personnel costs, leading commentators to write that the budget was constraining Indian military modernization.

The BJP election manifesto had also promised to deal with illegal immigration into India in the Northeast, as well as to be more firm in its handling of insurgent groups. The Modi government issued a notification allowing Hindu, Sikh, and Buddhist illegal immigrants from Pakistan and Bangladesh to legalise their residency in India. The government described the measure as being taken for humanitarian reasons but it drew criticism from several Assamese organisations.

The Modi administration negotiated a peace agreement with the largest faction of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCM), which was announced in August 2015. The Naga insurgency in northeast India had begun in the 1950s. The NSCM and the government had agreed to a ceasefire in 1997, but a peace accord had not previously been signed. In 2015 the government abrogated a 15-year ceasefire with the Khaplang faction of the NSCM (NSCM-K). The NSCM-K responded with a series of attacks, which killed 18 people. The Modi government carried out a raid across the border with Myanmar as a result, and labelled the NSCM-K a terrorist organisation.

Modi promised to be "tough on Pakistan" during his election campaign, and repeatedly stated that Pakistan was an exporter of terrorism. On 29 September 2016, the Indian Army stated that it had conducted a surgical strike on terror launchpads in Azad Kashmir. The Indian media claimed that up to 50 terrorists and Pakistani soldiers had been killed in the strike. Pakistan initially denied that any strikes had taken place. Subsequent reports suggested that Indian claim about the scope of the strike and the number of casualties had been exaggerated, although cross-border strikes had been carried out. In February 2019 India carried out airstrikes in Pakistan against a supposed terrorist camp. Further military skirmishes followed, including cross-border shelling and the loss of an Indian aircraft.

سياسته البيئية

آراؤوه

الفهمانية

أنا لا أعهد معنى الفهمانية. حتى الآن لا أفهمها. من طبيعة الحال هناك تعريفها بالقاموس الذي يختلف تماماً عما نراه. مر علينا حينُ كان يُقصد بالفهمانية، ببساطة، الانسجام بين الأديان. ورويداً تغير اللون. فأصبحت الفهمانية تعني التشدق بالتعاطف مع الأقليات. ثم رويداً تغير اللون. فأضحت الفهمانية هي استرضاء الأقليات. ثم غيرت الفهمانية لونها تارة أخرى، لهجرـِّز فقط على أصوات المسلمين في الانتخابات، بإسم الفهمانية. ثم غيرت الفهمانية لونها، فأصبحت كراهية الهندوسية هي الفهمانية.

على هذا النمط، فكل خمس سنوات، فإن الفهمانية تغير معناها. ولذا فالآن أظن حتى من الواجب عليّ حتى أحدد بنفسي معنى الفهمانية. بالنسبة لي: التنمية تعطي أقوى أساس للفهمانية.

حياته الشخصية والصورة العامة

حياته الشخصية

In accordance with Ghanchi tradition, Modi's marriage was arranged by his parents when he was a child. He was engaged at age 13 to Jashodaben, marrying her when he was 18. They spent little time together and grew apart when Modi began two years of travel, including visits to Hindu ashrams. Reportedly, their marriage was never consummated, and he kept it a secret because otherwise he could not have become a 'pracharak' in the puritan Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. Modi kept his marriage secret for most of his career. He acknowledged his wife for the first time when he filed his nomination for the 2014 general elections. Modi maintains a close relationship with his mother, Hiraben.

A vegetarian and teetotaler, Modi has a frugal lifestyle and is a workaholic and introvert. Modi's 31 August 2012 post on Google Hangouts made him the first Indian politician to interact with citizens on a live chat. Modi has also been called a fashion-icon for his signature crisply ironed, half-sleeved kurta, as well as for a suit with his name embroidered repeatedly in the pinstripes that he wore during a state visit by US President Barack Obama, which drew public and media attention and criticism. Modi's personality has been variously described by scholars and biographers as energetic, arrogant, and charismatic.

He had published a Gujarati book titled Jyotipunj in 2008, containing profiles of various RSS leaders. The longest was of M. S. Golwalkar, under whose leadership the RSS expanded and whom Modi refers to as Pujniya Shri Guruji ("Guru worthy of worship"). According to The Economic Times, his intention was to explain the workings of the RSS to his readers and to reassure RSS members that he remained ideologically aligned with them. Modi authored eight other books, mostly containing short stories for children.

The nomination of Modi for the prime ministership drew attention to his reputation as "one of contemporary India's most controversial and divisive politicians." During the 2014 election campaign the BJP projected an image of Modi as a strong, masculine leader, who would be able to take difficult decisions. Campaigns in which he has participated have focused on Modi as an individual, in a manner unusual for the BJP and RSS. Modi has relied upon his reputation as a politician able to bring about economic growth and "development". Nonetheless, his role in the 2002 Gujarat riots continues to attract criticism and controversy. Modi's hardline Hindutva philosophy and the policies adopted by his government continue to draw criticism, and have been seen as evidence of a majoritarian and exclusionary social agenda.

معدلات القبول

جوائز وتكريمات

دولية

التكريم		البلد	التاريخ	ملاحظات	المصادر
	وسام الملك عبد العزيز	السعودية	3 أبريل 2016	عضوالطبقة الخاصة، أحمل تكريم مدني في السعودية
	وسام الأمير غازي أمان الله خان	أفغانستان	4 يونيو2016	أحمل تكريم مدني في أفغانسان
	Grand Collar of the State of Palestine	فلسطين	10 فبراير 2018	أحمل تكريم تمنحه دولة فلسطين للأجانب
	وسام زايد	الإمارات العربية المتحدة	4 أبريل 2019	أحمل تكريم مدني في الإمارات العربية المتحدة.
	وسام القديس أندرو	روسيا	12 أبريل 2019	أحمل تكريم مدني في روسيا

الهوامش

المصادر

المراجع

وصلات خارجية

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